• これらの記事については弊サイトの「エッセイ」並びに「今日の一言」（コラム）を掲載する上での引用を目的としておりますので、著作権に関してはそれぞれの原文の著者が持っております。
  These articles are posted for referring my essays and columns. These copyrights are kept by each original author.
• 日本語訳については私的訳文であり、間違いがあるかもしれないので、その点はご承知おきください。

• ガーディアン「China Aims to Stop Anti-Japanese Violence (中国は反日デモの抑止を目指す)」
• 朝鮮日報「Korea and Japan Share Same Destiny (韓日は共同運命体」
• ワシントンポスト社説「A 'Peaceful Rise' (平和的な台頭？)」
• タイ・ネーション「World War II STAND-OFF: Peace moves in Japan (戦争から立ち直る−日本における平和の動き)」
• ワシントンポスト「China's Selective Memory (中国の恣意的な記憶)」
• フィナンシャルタイムズ「China's persistent Japan syndrome (中国のしつこい日本症候群)」
• 中国日報「Japan told to face up to past (日本は過去と向き合え)」
• 朝鮮日報「Roh Blasts Japan in German Press (盧武鉉、ドイツ報道陣に日本を激しく非難)」

Those demonstrations were prompted by new Japanese textbooks derided for allegedly whitewashing Tokyo's World War II-era abuses, opposition to Japan's campaign for a permanent U.N. Security Council seat and disputes over control of the East China Sea.

Official concern is especially acute as China marks the upcoming anniversary of an anti-Japanese protest on May 4, 1919, that has become a symbol of resistance to foreign domination.
"Express patriotism rationally. Don't take part in illegal protests. Don't make trouble," said a text message sent Saturday by Beijing police to millions of mobile phone users in the Chinese capital.
Warnings also were spread by text message and state media in several other cities.

Wednesday's anniversary is awkward for Chinese leaders because the protesters in 1919 complained that China's leaders were weak in the face of Japanese aggression -- a charge that current rulers are eager to avoid.
The 1919 protests erupted after Japan was awarded Germany's former colonies in China following World War I. Despite public pressure, Chinese leaders failed to recover territory from Tokyo, which expanded its control to much of China during the 1930s and early 1940s.

Chinese leaders, including Premier Wen Jiabao, have expressed sympathy with the protesters' sentiments.
Some have suggested communist leaders might have allowed earlier protests to undermine Tokyo's Security Council campaign. But now they apparently fear that permitting more demonstrations might damage relations with Japan and encourage people with other grievances to take to the streets.

Meanwhile, over a luncheon with civilian and official members of the countermeasures committee on making public documents related to the 1965 Korea-Japan Treaty, President Roh said, "It is uncertain if a legal obligation will emerge when the truth is clarified, but the government cannot evade its responsibility."

"Whether the full Korea-Japan Treaty documents are made public or not, the government must involve itself in one form or another and assume its responsibility on unresolved tasks. But the government has thus far been insufficient in its efforts and hidden even historical facts that it can bear," Roh said. So far, only part of the 1965 Korea-Japan Treaty has been released.

CHINA'S PROMISE of a "peaceful rise" to great power status sounded reassuring when it was first articulated by President Hu Jintao. As it has taken on substance over the past several years it has rung increasingly hollow. Mr. Hu's idea of "peaceful" so far has included the blunt suppression of democracy in Hong Kong; outreach to rogue regimes around the world, such as Iran and Sudan; double-digit annual increases in defense spending; adoption of a law committing China to a war of aggression against democratic Taiwan if it fails to satisfy Beijing's demands; and now, the crude use of nationalist sentiment to intimidate Japan. Far from ensuring stability, Mr. Hu's policy risks polarizing the region and forcing the United States and other outside powers to choose sides.

超大国の地位への「平和的な台頭」という中国の約束は、それが胡錦濤(Hu Jintao)主席によって最初に明言されたときには頼もしいものだと思われた。
それが過去数年間の間に実体を持つようになるにつれて、ますます実のないように聞こえてきている。
「平和的」という胡主席の意図はこれまでのところ、香港の香港民主化勢力の弾圧と、スーダンやイランのような世界の悪の政権に対する便宜供与、毎年2ケタの国防費増額、台湾の民主政府が北京（中国政府）の要求を満足させることに失敗した場合の軍事制裁のオプション（反国家分裂法/China's anti-secession law）を採択したことである。
そして今、愛国心を露骨に行使することによって日本を脅迫している。
胡主席の政策はアジアの安定を保証するどころか、対立を生み、アメリカを始めとするほかの大国が、中国の味方に付くか敵となって武力行使させられる危険性がある。

No one should wish for such an outcome, but if it comes to that, the choice shouldn't be hard. Japan's democratic government, like Taiwan's, poses no threat to its neighbors, and Tokyo has shown a growing willingness in recent years to contribute to regional and global security. Though its nationalists still try to play down Japan's criminal aggression in the 1930s and '40s, and some textbooks cater to them, the government has repeatedly apologized to its neighbors for the offenses that occurred 60 and 70 years ago. On Friday Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi reiterated those apologies in an effort to defuse tensions with Beijing and pave the way for a meeting with Mr. Hu.

誰もそのようなことを望まないだろう。
しかし、そのような事態が起こったとき、選択はそれほど難しいことではないはずだ。
日本の民主政府は台湾のように近隣諸国に対し、脅しはないふりをし、東京（日本政府）は、ここ数年の間、アジアや世界の安全保障に寄与することが次第に喜びとなっていることを示し続ければいいのだ。
日本の愛国者が未だに1930年代から40年代にかけての侵略戦争を軽視していようとし、またいくつかの教科書が彼らにおもちゃにされているにもかかわらず、日本政府は60年も70年も前に起こった戦争について近隣諸国に対し、再三再四謝罪を続けている。
金曜日、小泉純一郎首相は北京（中国政府）との間の緊張を静めるために、また胡主席と会談するために謝罪を繰り返した。

China has responded grudgingly to such conciliatory gestures, even though the crisis between the two countries -- the worst since they established diplomatic relations in 1972 -- is almost entirely of Beijing's making. It was Mr. Hu's government that chose to make an exaggerated fuss over the textbook issue, then allowed and even encouraged demonstrators to attack Japanese diplomatic missions and restaurants in Beijing, Shanghai and other cities. The popular hostility toward Japan that erupted in the streets was real enough, but Mr. Hu's government made the dangerous and irresponsible decision to stoke it and employ it for its own ends. These ends include thwarting Japan's justifiable bid to become a member of the U.N. Security Council and using nationalism to prolong one-party rule by the Communist Party.

中国は、このような日本の態度に対し、1972年の日中国交回復以来最悪の両国間の危機−もっともそのほとんどは中国に原因があるが−にもかかわらず、いやいやながら応じ続けている。
教科書問題をことさら大きく取り上げ、さらに北京や上海、他の都市にいる日本の外交使節やレストランをデモ隊が襲撃することを許し、仕向けさえしたのは、胡政権である。
街頭で起こった日本に対する大衆の敵対行為は極めて多かった。
しかし、胡政権は自分たちの目的のために、それを使い、また焚き付けるという責任感のない、危険な決定をしたのだ。
その目的とは日本が国連安全保障理事会の常任理事国になるという正当な提案に反対し、共産党の一党独裁を延命させるために愛国心を使うということである。

Concern that the demonstrations might get out of hand and turn against the government seems to have motivated Mr. Hu finally to rein them in: Official statements now warn against "unauthorized" protests. But there is no indication that the Chinese leadership has absorbed the larger lesson: that crude bullying of Hong Kong, Taiwan or Japan is not a path to greater influence, much less a "peaceful rise," by China. It is, rather, a formula for uniting most of Asia and eventually the United States in an attempt to contain Chinese belligerence. That would be a bad outcome for the United States, for China, and for Asian and global security. Whether it can be avoided depends mostly on whether Mr. Hu can recognize and learn from a string of mistakes.

デモが政府の支配下から逃れ、また政府に背を向けるかもしれないという心配が、最終的にはデモを抑制する（公式声明は「許可されていない」デモに対して警告している）胡主席をその気にさせ続けてきた。
しかし、中国の指導者たちがより大きな教訓（それは香港に対する露骨ないじめであり、あるいは台湾や日本が大きな影響力を持つことを封ずることであり、ましてや中国の「平和的な台頭」ではない）を得たという兆候はない。
それはむしろアジアの多くの国々が、結局はアメリカも中国の戦争を封じ込めるという企ての中で一体化するという道筋になるのだ。
これはアメリカ、そして中国、そしてアジアや世界の安全保障にとって悪い結果となるだろう。
それを避けることができるかどうかは、胡主席が一連の失敗を認め、そこから学ぶことができるかどうかにかかっているのだ。

Premier Wen Jiabao told Japan yesterday to "face up to history" and admit to the tremendous suffering it inflicted on people in China, Asia and the rest of the world during World War II. Wen also said Japan should reflect on the widespread protests throughout Asia over the last weeks.

Demonstrations erupted in some major cities in China at the weekend against Japan's perceived distortion of history and whitewashing of its wartime atrocities. Protesters in China and elsewhere in Asia have also spoken out against Japan's bid to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council.

"The strong responses from the Asian people should make the Japanese Government have deep and profound reflections," Wen told reporters in New Delhi, where he was wrapping up a four-day trip. "Only a country that respects history, takes responsibility for its past, and wins over the trust of the people of Asia and the world at large can take greater responsibility in the international community," he said.

During yesterday's meeting with the President of Kyodo News Service Toyohiko Yamanouchi, State Councillor Tang Jiaxuan called upon Japan to accept its shameful past to allow the country to move forward when handling history-related issues and promote friendship between China and Japan. (China considers Japan's shrine visit as crux of difficult relationship)

• 中日両国のハイレベル間の相互訪問を促進するための環境を整える。
• 中日両国の外交部門が協力して、中日友好の戦略的研究を強化する。
• 歴史が残した問題を適切に処理する。

"I admire how Germany resolved matters regarding its history while improving relations with its neighbors, overcoming the internal tension that resulted in the process," Roh told the FAZ.

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